Sound Tracks: Popular Music, Identity, and Place
Book by John Connell, Chris Gibson; Routledge, 2002
Globalization--Social Aspects, Music And Geography, Popular Music--Social Aspects
Collections: Entire Library
...1996 Popular Music and Local Identity , Leicester University Press, London and New York. 1999 Another root: Australian hip hop as a global subculture re-territorialising hip hop, in G. Bloustein, ed., Musical Visions , Wakefield Press...
some Sydney references
some dance party references
between pages 201 -219
"The places and politics of performance" chapter, page 204
[quote]"As in similar contexts—such as raves in inner Sydney and in rural areas beyond—actually getting to the venues and evading detection became central to the experience. In response to unsanctioned use of space and through moral panics over illegal drug use, various urban and national authorities reacted with legislation to silence the music. In Britain, a conservative government enacted the 1994 Criminal Justice and Public Order Act, which made the convergence in public space of large numbers of people, and lengthy broadcasts of music with repetitive beats, punishable offences (Wright 1993; Martin 1998; Sibley 1994). In countries like Australia such regulatory mechanisms as noise restrictions, codes of practice for dance parties, environmental protection legislation, fire and safety laws and alcohol licensing regulations, were used to shut down clubs and turn off disruptive styles (and volumes) of music (Homan 1998). As institutional control over raves intensified, they were effectively forced to give way to more ordered ‘corporate clubbing’, with less sense of adventure but similar music. "[/quote]
[quote]"Much electronic dance music came to be consumed in ways similar to other previous eras of ‘passive’ music—from collections of electronica to café soundtracks of ‘laid back beats’, from the use of dance music in aerobics classes to techno segued to car advertisements or sports shows. However, while dance music may have become commodified, threatening the ‘underground’, community nature of scenes (Weber 1999), it has also been widely used to give new and sometimes radical meanings to spaces that were otherwise apolitical. Political uses of dance music have included the idea of ‘techno as noise’; as with punk, certain sounds may alienate some listeners, or draw attention to loud political campaigns in immediate ways (McKay 1996). This underpinned anti-global free market rallies in major cities around the world, targeted at the World Trade Organization (as with S11 in Melbourne, Ml—May Day—in various locations), and more specifically ‘Reclaim the Streets’ events in such diverse cities as London, Stockholm, Bogota, Tokyo, Turin, Dublin, Geneva and Toronto (Luckman 2001). In these events, thousands of people gathered at strategic locations to ‘reclaim’ major intersections and disrupt city traffic, converting streets into dance venues, with quickly erected public address systems, road blocks and a range of distractions (including fun fairs, informal market activities, political stalls, etc.). Such events protested against the increasing privatisation of public space and the dominance of cars in urban transport and planning. In transforming motor-dedicated space, music contributed to challenging assumptions about the use of open spaces. As one participant stated:
The whole point is to get out on the streets and make some noise. Other sorts of protests involve speeches from people, only those who are interested will hang around and listen to this. By playing really loud techno music, we are able to attract the attention of passers-by, some of them might get into the music and join in the action, others might be appalled by the music, but at least we’re attracting their attention and making them think about it a bit.
(Reclaim the Streets organiser, Sydney, 1998)